Description of the World - Part 16
Hans Baron, The Crisis of the
Early Italian Renaissance (Wherever you are, you’re someplace. Even
philosophical works of the greatest generality were conceived in particular
places and particular times. The passage of time washes away their topicality
and gives them the grave colorlessness we expect from ancient monuments. Baron
attempted to put the paint back on the marble by situating the writing of the
early Florentine humanists in the context of the struggle of Florence against
the Milan of the great tyrant Giangaleazzo Visconti rather as I once tried to
understand Late Heidegger as a response to the Korean War. I didn’t appreciate
the book as much as I probably would now—I hadn’t read Bruni or Salutati so
reading it was rather like encountering the parody before the original. A familiar
story. Well, I'll reread all these books if I turn out to be immortal.)
Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance
Diplomacy (Macau has an embassy in Iceland, just a block and a half north
of 49 at Brietartun 1. I looked it up because it wondered how all the little
countries of the world afford representation with each other or if they even
try. The hundreds of principalities of the Renaissance certainly didn’t have
the wherewithal to exchange ambassadors. Diplomacy is very ancient indeed, the
practice of maintaining resident agents developed gradually.)
Frederick C. Lane, Venice: a
Maritime Republic (The Constitution of Venice was famous for the stability
it gave to the state, though what looked like stability to the Americans at the
Constitutional Convention looks like ossification now—of course Venice was
still independent in 1789. The example of Venice and many other city states and
commercial republics does show that oligarchies can have tremendous resilience.
Contrary to Fukuyama’s conclusion, systems where closed ruling classes
maintaining their power through co-option and elections are largely meaningless
rituals seems to be as likely an end state as liberal democracy.)
C. Vann Woodward, The Burden of
Southern History (This book was first published in 1960. This edition, with
a couple of extra essays, came out in 1968, long enough ago for a serious,
albeit brief book to be available for nine-five cents. So what has and hasn’t
changed? “On the domestic front, the ironic incongruity is between opulence and
the myth of equality and virtue. For a long time we managed to reconcile these
incompatibles superficially by assuming that our prosperity was the reward of
our virtue. And in answer to complaints that the property was unequally
distributed we opened new frontiers or increase production so that the
inequities of distribution were less obvious or more easily borne. This worked
fairly well for a time. But now with production at an all-time high and ever
accelerating, the inequities of distribution paradoxically increase and
multiply along with the gross national product. And so do resentment and
rebellion in the ghetto.” These lines were written at the end of a period now
celebrated for its low level of economic inequality.)
John Addington Symonds, Renaissance in Italy, 2 volumes (These
large volumes were published by Modern Library, which no longer carries the
title, though it was famous in its day and for some time thereafter—educated
Americans of the late 19th and early 20th Century seemed to have been
infatuated with the Renaissance. If people remember Symonds now, it is because
he wrote a memoir about his “impossible loves,” i.e., he was homosexual. To be
fair to Modern Library, it’s hard to imagine very many contemporary readers
tackling the Renaissance book, not only because of the untranslated Latin quotations
but because of its remarkable thoroughness. I remember being overwhelmed by the
detail when I read it many years ago: too many unfamiliar names, too much
assumed historical context. The detail appeals to me now and its all I can do
not to start reading it again. Opening the second volume at random, my eyes
fall on a passage about the Inquisition.
“Only in a few cases was extreme rigour displayed. A memorable massacre
took place in the year 1561 in Calabria within the province of Cosenza. Here at
the end of the fourteenth century a colony of Waldensians had settled in some
villages upon the coast. They preserved their peculiar beliefs and ritual, and
after three centuries numbered about 4,000 souls. Nearly the whole of these, it
seems, were exterminated by sword, fire,famine, torture, noisome imprisonment,
and hurling from the summits of high cliffs.”
Richard Marius, Thomas More
(I have a hard time being fair to a man like More because I can’t get beyond
the men he sent to the stake. More, like other deeply religious people, was
exceedingly hard on himself; and that probably made it easier for him to
inflict pain on others. Still, Isis hasn’t done anything worse to a living
human being than More did, presumably with a good conscience. Well, it’s
probably merely a modern error of mine to think that saints should be good men.
There was something grim and, ironically, Protestant about the man. He doesn’t fit in very
well with the bucolic version of the old faith you get from a book like the Stripping
of the Altars. No wonder Utopia has never appealed to anybody as a place
you’d actually want to live. As Marius notes, Utopia didn’t appeal to
very many people at the time of its publication either. Erasmus was much more
popular.)
Jean Bodin, Method for the Easy
Comprehension of History (The scientific developments of the 16th Century
have often been celebrated, but the human sciences, especially history, began to
take something of their modern form then as well, though some of the scholars
of the time were rather like Kepler in astronomy, combining a careful—or
pedantic—regard for the evidence with Pythagorean numerology. Bodin was like
that. For all his mysticism, he’s proud of being a modern: “Machiavelli also
wrote many things about government—the first, I think, for about 1,200 years
after barbarism had overwhelmed everything.”)
Gary Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome (Critical
is right. Fosythe quotes M.I. Finley’s “famous dictum that ‘the ancients’
ability to invent and their capacity to believe are persistently
underestimated’” and then goes from there for the rest of the book, thus
leaving things pretty murky, at least until the Gallic disaster in the 390’s,
which Aristotle and other Greeks had heard about. What actually happened at
that point is still obscure because the disgrace of losing Battle of the Allia,
the ensuing occupation of the city by Celts from the Po, and the humiliating
ransom were so traumatic that it set off a couple of centuries of myth making
that include some of my favorite stories—it isn’t just the earlier epochs of
ancient history that are hard to distinguishable from myth.)
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